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The present-day country of Chile was born out of a very turbulent past.
Her people have been guided through the years by a variety of different leaders, philosophies, and constitutions.
La Patria Vieja
The first government body was formed in 1810 and lasted until the "Battle of Rancagua" in 1814. In 1811, a "provisional" constitution was adopted which
vested temporary powers in the Chilean congress. In 1812, it was decided that Fernando VII would be ruler, but that the currently existing congress would be
accepted. Under the government of Jos� Miguel Carrera, executive power was vented in a government "junta", and it was declared that no foreign law would
be recognized in Chile. At this same time, a Senate was comprised of seven members who's responsibility was to support the Junta. The era of the Patria
Vieja came to an end in 1814 when power was removed from the executive and vested in a "Supreme Dictator."
La Nueva Patria
The Nueva Patria lasted from 1814 until the end of Bernardo O'Higgins' government in 1823. O'Higgins was the first Supreme Dictator, and sought to
regulate the lives of citizens through the following constitutional changes:
1818 - Executive power would be vested in the Supreme Dictator and the system would be primarily authoritarian.
1822 - The term of the Supreme Dictator would be limited to six years, but he could be re-elected for a period of four more. Since the new law would
not be retroactive, this assured O'Higgins of ten more years as dictator, a situation which was not acceptable to many of the country's aristocracy.
National Disorganization
The period of time between 1823 and 1830 was one of anarchy. During these years, there were various attempts to control the country through a variety of
laws which met only the barest standard of needs. In 1823, the Acta de Uni�n de Provincias was signed with the objectives of electing Ram�n Freire as
Supreme Dictator, organizing the nation politically, and creating a Constitutional Congress. This congress was presided over by Juan Enga�a, and was
commissioned to write a new constitution which was enacted later in 1823. This constitution was very "moralistic" in nature, and it turned out to be impractical
to enforce because it attempted to regulate the private lives of the citizens.
In 1826, Freire was renounced, and Manuel Blanco Encalada was elected as provisional Chief of State under the title, "President of the Republic." Encalada
commissioned the creation of yet another constitution. Before work on the new constitution began, however, he approved a series of new laws known as the
"Leyes Federales" which accomplished the following:
Divided the country into eight provinces in which provisional assemblies would be elected and composed of publicly elected deputies;
Municipal councils, governors, and parish priests would be elected by popular vote; and
Executive powers would reside in the President of the Republic who would be elected for a period of three years.
Application of this federalist regime created all kinds of problems. The self-serving ambitions of some leaders and rivalries among provinces combined to
create a political crisis. In 1827, in order to appease the growing numbers of people who wanted change, a liberal named Don Francisco Antonio Pinto was
placed in power as Vice President.
In 1828, yet another constitutional congress came up with a new document. This new constitution was more liberal than the previous, but was still impractical.
In 1829, as a result of the presidential election, a revolution developed in which the conservatives defeated the liberals, and this upheaval led to great public
support regarding the need for a strong government. In 1833, Jos� Joaqu�n Prieto assumed power, and another constitution was created.
Constitutions of the Republic
The constitution of 1833 had an "authoritarian" feel to it. Great executive power resided in the President of the Republic; so much power, in fact, that
consideration was given to creating additional legal tools which could be used by congress to control the executive. Still, this constitution remained in effect
until 1925.
In 1925, under the leadership of Jorge Alessandria, power between the executive and legislative branches was equalized. With this change, the constitution
remained in effect until it was suspended at the beginning of the Pinochet regime in 1973. This suspension was in place until the foundation of the Constitution
of 1980, the constitution which is still in effect today.
1973: The Dawn of the Pinochet Regime
During the years following the constitution of 1925, Chile came to have a very well-developed political system based on a democratic government. Economically,
however, Chile faced ever-growing problems. Although it had always been an export nation, between the years 1958 and 1973 Chile's national economy was both
closed and floundering. Because prices, industry, and banks were all controlled by the state, rather than the open market, whoever was in power at the time was
seen as being in control of the economy, and therefore to blame for problems. Anibal Pinto, a Chilean author, in 1958 predicted that Chile's economy would
ultimately result in a political breakdown. Pinto certainly had no idea how accurate his prediction would become.
Between 1960 and 1970, while both conservative and liberal factions of government had numerous supporters, most people in Chile considered themselves to be
politically moderate, or "Center".
Party Leaning Supported by
Socialist/Communist Left/Liberal Working Class
Christian Democrats& Center to Moderate Rising middle class
Partido Nacional Left/Right Professionals
Small Business
*Peasants (previously ignored by
all parties until 1964)
Uni�n Democrata Independiente (UDI) Right/Conservative Land Owners
(Began in late 1980'Us) Industry/Big Business
 Two different presidents, Alessandri (Right) who served from 1958 to 1964, and Frei (Center), who served
from 1964-1970, had attempted without success to stabilize the economy. In 1970, the people collectively
lost faith in both the right and center, and the Chilean congress (to the surprise of many) threw their support to
the left-wing candidate, Salvador Allende, who planned to try socialist reforms to fix the economy. Due to a
variety of factors including labor uprisings and anti-communist interventions by the United States, the results
were disastrous. Inflation rose to an all-time high of 60%, banks closed, investors left, and a large black
market developed offering many common products which were no longer available in stores.
The political distribution which so heavily favored the center
positions began to quickly divide under the hardships. Those who
supported communist/socialist reforms and supported the Allende
government moved even farther to the left forming what was
known as the "Unidad Popular", while the Christian Democrats and the Partido Nacional moved to the extreme right and
formed the "Democratic Confederation". The result was a drastic political polarization which left very few people in the
Center to Moderate philosophical positions. Leaders become more and more rigid, and political compromise became
impossible. This great polarization quickly spread to the social sectors, and people began to fight among themselves.
 It wasn't long before the politicians and citizens who backed the Democratic Confederation started to support the idea of
military intervention. Although accounts and opinions vary as to the extent, it is also clear that the United States also
supported a military solution because of the concern of Cuba's support of Allende and the socialist movement, and what
were feared to be ties to the former Soviet Union. The solution, it seemed to many, rested in the hands of the Chilean
military, and General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte.
This is how a national military, previously a neutral entity until at least the 1960's, was thrust into the world of party
politics, and into the escalating conflict. There was no longer any desire for political compromise, public pressure was
great, so it seemed that the military had no choice but to take a position and take action.
On September 11, 1973, at seven o'clock in the morning, president Salvador Allende
received a call in his private home that there were abnormal movements of troops in
Valpara�so. An hour and a half later, the citizens heard on the radio that the country was
under the control of the Armed Forces which were asking for Allende's resignation.
 Allende had gone to La Moneda, the presidential palace in Santiago. At 11:15 am, the
Armed Forces gave Allende an ultimatum: either surrender in three minutes or La Moneda
would be bombed. At five minutes before noon, two Hawker Hunter jet fighters,
supported by three tanks, began an assault on La Moneda using incendiary bombs. When
the attack commenced, the ministers and collaborators of the Unidad Popular government
who were inside La Moneda decided to surrender. Salvador Allende, however, remained
inside. At approximately 2:15 pm, Salvador Allende died. Some Chileans believe that
Allende was killed by the attackers; others believe that Allende committed suicide rather
than to be captured. Those who supported Allende called the military's actions a "coup."
Those who supported the military called it an "intervention". One thing was certain: the
Allende government had come to a violent and abrupt end, and the challenges of the nation
were now in the hands of the military.
At the helm of the new Military junta were General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte, Vice Admiral Jos� Toribio
Merino, Air Force General Gustavo Leigh Guzm�n, and Director of Carabineros C�sar Mendoza
Dur�n. Pinochet had no experience with running governments, let alone dealing with economic disasters.
Pinochet solicited the help and advice of several Chilean young men who had studied economics in Chicago in
the United States, who later became known as the Chicago Boys. Rather than to retry the solutions
attempted by the previous presidents, Pinochet took the advice of the Chicago Boys and decided to set the
country on a revolutionary new path. The government would no longer be in control of the economy- Chile
would begin to operate an open market. There was much controversy surrounding this plan, and many (even
thousands over the years) of those who either opposed the plan, or were suspected of opposition, suddenly
"disappeared". The cost for improving the economy, it seemed, would be loss of human rights.
In time, the economic policies of Pinochet began to work. Today, the real Chilean gross national product has increased to 6.2% from 4.0
prior to 1973. Per capita income rose from $2,200 to $4,500, and inflation dropped to 13.5%. Chileans don't talk much about what
happened in 1973 anymore, but most everyone has some opinion as to where the country should go next. Some feel that it is time for Chile
to transition back to a democratic system. Others who remember the economic problems of the 60's would just as soon see Pinochet remain
in power.
In March of 1998, Pinochet stepped down as commander in-chief of the army, symbolizing a step toward redemocratization of Chile. Still,
and also symbolic, is the fact that Pinochet has stepped down as dictator only to take up a lifetime appointed seat in Chile�s Senate, a right
he wrote into the constitution in 1980. Currently, the country is led by Socialist President, Ricardo Lagos, elected by slightly more than 51%
of the popular vote in January, 2000.
Does the current economic upturn justify the human rights atrocities of the early Pinochet regime? If a national situation of a stable political
democracy and a dying economy led to a revolution, what can we expect from a nation with a booming economy and a recent dictatorship?
If the answers to such questions exist, they do so within the hearts of the Chilean people themselves. Only time will tell what lies on the road
ahead.
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